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THE SPIRIT THAT WILL NOT DIEWhy Baba's Spirit Is More Lethal Than Baba HimselfA meditation on reincarnation, resistance,...
28/04/2026

THE SPIRIT THAT WILL NOT DIE
Why Baba's Spirit Is More Lethal Than Baba Himself
A meditation on reincarnation, resistance, and why the Oburu wing must fold
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Human body is just a storehouse of the person himself. There is an old Luo saying that a great tree does not die when it falls. It seeds the earth with what it carried for decades, and from that earth, a forest rises. On Sunday, April 26, 2026, the people of Kisumu City proved that proverb true — not in poetry, but in flesh, in noise, in tears, in the sheer unstoppable mass of humanity that flooded the streets from Nyalenda to Ka-Owuor Grounds and refused to go home.
A group of ODM leaders stormed the lakeside city for what many are already calling the most consequential rally in Nyanza since the 2017 resistance. They were led by ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, Embakasi East MP Babu Owino, and Siaya Governor James Orengo. And yet — look carefully at that crowd. Really look. Not at the podium. Look at the grandmother who walked three kilometres in the morning heat with her grandchild strapped to her back. Look at the boda boda rider who defied the threats and showed up anyway. Look at the young man in the torn shirt, fist raised, eyes wet.
They were not there for Sifuna. They were not there for Orengo. They were not there for Babu. They were there because something ancient and unfinished called them.
They were there because Raila Odinga's spirit commanded them to show up.

CHAPTER ONEFrom Nyalenda to the Nation: The Biography of a MiracleThere is a particular quality of person that only the ...
28/04/2026

CHAPTER ONE
From Nyalenda to the Nation:
The Biography of a Miracle

There is a particular quality of person that only the slums can produce. Not because poverty is noble — it is not, and no honest person should romanticize it — but because surviving it, transcending it, and refusing to forget it while standing in the halls of power requires a specific combination of intelligence, toughness, empathy, and fire that comfortable childhoods rarely build.

Paul Ongili Owino was born on October 10, 1989, in Kondele and grew up in Nyalenda — one of the largest and most densely populated informal settlements in Kisumu City, a lakeside labyrinth of tin roofs, open drains, and extraordinary human resilience on the western shores of Nam Lolwe. His father, Domnic Owino Orieyo, died when Babu was in Class Three, leaving his mother — a fish seller — to raise him alone in circumstances that would have defeated many.

He attended Kisumu Township Primary School from 1995 to 2002, then Central Primary School in Kisumu, and from 2003 to 2006 he attended Kisumu Boys' High School — one of Kenya's most competitive national schools, where entry alone marks you as exceptional. He sat his KCSE and performed well enough to earn a scholarship through Cambridge Systems to pursue A-levels, completing the programme with six diplomas.

Then, in 2008, he walked into the University of Nairobi. Not to coast. Not to network. To compete. He enrolled in Actuarial Science — one of the most mathematically demanding undergraduate degrees available in the Kenyan university system, a field that filters out the merely intelligent and retains only the exceptional — and in 2012 he graduated with First Class Honours.

First Class Honours. In Actuarial Science. From the University of Nairobi. By a child of Nyalenda slums whose mother sold fish.

He went back. He enrolled for a Master's in Actuarial Science and completed it. He enrolled for a law degree, completed it with Second Class Upper Division Honours, went through the Kenya School of Law, and on May 23, 2025, stood in the Supreme Court of Kenya — presided over by Chief Justice Martha Koome — and was admitted to the Roll of Advocates as an Advocate of the High Court of Kenya.

609 lawyers were admitted that day. Only one of them had grown up in Nyalenda. Only one of them had been a SONU chairman, a two-term MP, Africa's most influential youth leader, and a man about whom 9 million people had reportedly messaged urging a presidential run.

Only Babu.

The SONU Years: Learning to Lead Millions

The Students Organization of Nairobi University — SONU — is not a gentle introduction to politics. The University of Nairobi is Kenya's flagship public university, a crucible of national consciousness, a place where some of the country's most important political movements have been incubated since the 1970s. Orengo himself was UoN student president in 1973. To lead SONU is to walk into a tradition of national political leadership.

Babu was elected SONU chairman in 2011 — at 21 years old — and held the position for nearly a decade through successive mandates, longer than perhaps any other person in the organization's history. His tenure revived campus activism at a time when UoN's student political culture had grown complacent. He fought for reduced tuition fees, better facilities, student welfare improvements, and governance accountability. He organized, mobilized, negotiated, and when necessary confronted administration and government with the kind of fearlessness that his constituents still recognize in him today.

SONU gave Babu something that no law firm, no boardroom, and no inherited political dynasty could have given him: the experience of leading a constituency of tens of thousands of young people with nothing to offer them except himself. No ethnic arithmetic. No family name. No inherited political machine. Just a young man from Nyalenda with extraordinary intelligence, an extraordinary tongue, and the extraordinary courage to keep showing up.

It was the perfect preparation for the presidency of a country where the majority demographic is exactly that same constituency: young, educated or aspiring to be, urban or peri-urban, connected to the internet, suspicious of established power, and desperate for a leader who was once one of them.

CHAPTER THREEStanding with Baba Through the Fire: 2007 to 2022If you want to understand what loyalty to Raila Odinga has...
28/04/2026

CHAPTER THREE
Standing with Baba Through the Fire: 2007 to 2022

If you want to understand what loyalty to Raila Odinga has cost the people who mean it, look at the period between 2007 and 2022. These fifteen years were a crucible — elections that were stolen, courts that disappointed, national crises that tested every nerve — and Orengo was there for all of it.

2007: The Four Musketeers of the Post-Election Crisis
When the 2007 general election descended into the catastrophic post-election violence that killed over 1,300 Kenyans and displaced nearly 700,000, and when Raila's team sat across a table from President Kibaki's team under the mediation of former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, James Orengo was one of the four representatives of ODM in those negotiations.

He was there not as an observer. He was a principal negotiator, one of the inner circle trusted to represent the millions of Kenyans who had voted for change and watched their votes being contested at gunpoint. The National Accord and Reconciliation Act of 2008 — the document that ended Kenya's worst post-independence crisis and created the Grand Coalition Government — was shaped in part by the work of those four men.

Then, having helped negotiate the coalition, Orengo served in it as Minister of Lands from 2008 to 2013. And in that role, he demonstrated the kind of independence that gets politicians into trouble: he revealed the Grand Regency Scandal — the clandestine sale of the Grand Regency Hotel by the Central Bank of Kenya to Libyan interests at 2.7 billion shillings, orchestrated by then Finance Minister Amos Kimunya. It was an act of institutional courage that cost him politically but gained him enormous public respect.

2013 and 2017: In the Courtroom with Baba

When Raila challenged the 2013 presidential election results, Orengo was part of the legal team. When Raila challenged the 2017 presidential election results, Orengo was part of the legal team again — and this time, they achieved something unprecedented in the history of African democracy.
On September 1, 2017, the Supreme Court of Kenya — by a 4-2 majority led by Chief Justice David Maraga — nullified Uhuru Kenyatta's re-election. The election was declared invalid and void. A fresh election was ordered within 60 days.

This was the first time in African history that a sitting president's election had been annulled by a court. It was a moment that reverberated across the continent and drew the world's attention. Raila Odinga stood at his press conference and said, with justified pride: 'For the first time in the history of African democratization, a ruling has been made by a court nullifying the irregular election of a president. This is a precedent-setting ruling.'

The lead lawyer who had helped build the legal argument that convinced the Supreme Court was James Orengo.
Think about what that means. A man who had been jailed for democracy in the 1980s. Who had been exiled for democracy. Who had sat in the cells of Kamiti. Who had dedicated his professional life to constitutional law precisely because he believed that the law, applied properly, could be the instrument of justice — that man sat in the Supreme Court of Kenya in 2017 and helped win a case that changed the history of African democracy.

And then, in 2022, he did it again. He was once more the lead counsel for the Azimio la Umoja coalition's presidential petition before the Supreme Court, arguing with characteristic precision against the declaration of William Ruto as president-elect. He did not win this time — the court upheld Ruto's victory — but the standard of advocacy, the quality of the legal argument, the depth of preparation, were recognised even by those who opposed the petition.

2022: The Governor and the Continued Fight

In the 2022 general election, Orengo ran for Governor of Siaya County. He won. And in doing so, he added a new dimension to a career already rich beyond most politicians' imagination: executive leadership. The man who had fought for devolution now had to deliver it.

As Governor, Orengo has focused on healthcare infrastructure, land justice, governance reform, and community empowerment. He has been governor of a county that understands his history and elected him with the confidence that a man who fought for Siaya in parliament and in courts would fight for it from Government House.

When, in 2025, internal ODM politics created a flashpoint over the party's posture toward President Ruto's broad-based government, Orengo was again one of the most vocal voices. He publicly opposed accommodation with UDA that he believed compromised ODM's identity as an opposition party. His position was that the party should maintain its principled stance, not be absorbed into comfort.

That is the man. Still fighting. Still principled. Still, after half a century of public life, refusing to be quiet.

EPISODE 5— The City Facing the Lake —A Waterfront RebornEvery great city has a defining water. Paris has the Seine. Sydn...
28/04/2026

EPISODE 5
— The City Facing the Lake —
A Waterfront Reborn

Every great city has a defining water. Paris has the Seine. Sydney has its Harbour. Chicago has its lakeshore. Kisumu has Lake Victoria — the second largest freshwater lake in the world — and for decades, it has had its back turned to it.

That changes under Prof. Nyong'o.
Upon assuming office in 2018, one of the Governor's most visionary moves was acting on a United Nations-Habitat recommendation that had been sitting, unimplemented, on paper. He establishes the Kisumu Lakefront Development Corporation — KLDC — a Special Purpose Vehicle designed to unlock the lake as an engine of economic growth, tourism, and urban identity.

The KLDC immediately set to work, mapping eight thematic development zones along the lakefront. The vision is breathtaking: a 46-kilometre promenade stretching from Camp David to Dunga Beach. A marina. An 18-hole golf course. A world-class convention centre with 10,000 capacity. Luxury hotels facing the water. An Impala Sanctuary. A fish processing hub. Public parks and beaches that make the lake accessible — finally — to the people who live beside it.

A KSh790 million World Bank grant financed the construction of key infrastructure: fire stations, fire hydrants, a rotary youth innovation centre, and a non-motorized transport system connecting pedestrians to the CBD. The county redesigned Oginga Odinga Street, Jomo Kenyatta Avenue, and Ang'awa Street — replacing broken slabs, adding pedestrian walks, road furniture, and creating an exclusive pedestrian triangle in the heart of the city.

In 2024, the African Development Bank approved a KSh97.5 million grant for a comprehensive feasibility study that would guide the long-term technical, financial, and environmental transformation of the lakefront into a climate-resilient urban masterpiece.

"This will be the key to urban renewal — the epitome of development — making Kisumu attractive to commercial, conference, and cultural tourism."
— H.E. Governor Prof. Peter Anyang' Nyong'o

PRELUDE: THE MATHEMATICS OF 2027The numbers are not abstract. They are decisive, and they belong to the young.In the 202...
27/04/2026

PRELUDE:
THE MATHEMATICS OF 2027

The numbers are not abstract. They are decisive, and they belong to the young.
In the 2022 general election, William Samoei Ruto was declared the fifth President of Kenya with 7,176,141 votes — winning by a margin of just 233,211 votes over Raila Odinga. A difference of less than 1.6 percentage points. In an election involving over 22 million registered voters, the presidency was decided by a number smaller than the population of a single Nairobi constituency.

By 2027, the electoral arithmetic will have shifted in ways that make every established political calculation obsolete. Kenyans aged 18 to 34 will number approximately 17.8 million. More than 14 million Gen Z voters will be eligible to vote — a staggering 79.4 percent increase from the 8.8 million in 2022. The 'Niko Kadi' voter registration movement, born from the ashes of the June 2024 Gen Z protests that shook President Ruto's administration to its foundations, has already mobilized thousands of new young voters and continues to surge.

These young Kenyans — who took to the streets in 2024, who forced a Finance Bill withdrawal, who died for the right to a government that serves them rather than plunders them — are not looking for a political veteran of the old school. They are not looking for a recycled face. They are not looking for someone who grew up comfortable, who inherited political clout, who navigated the ethnic arithmetic of Kenyan elections by assembling coalitions of regional bosses and business interests.

They are looking for themselves.
And in the Kenyan political landscape of 2027, there is exactly one figure who is simultaneously: a child of the slums who made it, a First Class Honours graduate, an Advocate of the High Court, a two-term Member of Parliament, a proven constituency developer, Africa's most influential youth leader by several rankings — and a man young enough to have shared the same fears, the same hustle, the same internet, the same music, and the same fury as the generation that will decide who rules Kenya.

That man is Paul Owino Ongili.

Babu.

He is not a candidate the establishment will choose. He is a candidate the streets will impose.

CHAPTER TWOWalking with Jaramogi: The Original AllianceTo understand Orengo's walk with Raila, you must first understand...
27/04/2026

CHAPTER TWO

Walking with Jaramogi:

The Original Alliance

To understand Orengo's walk with Raila, you must first understand his walk with Raila's father — the great Jaramogi Ajuma Oginga Odinga.

In the late 1980s, as Kenya's pro-democracy movement began coalescing around the demand to end single-party rule and restore multiparty politics, Orengo was among the most prominent voices of what became known as Kenya's Second Liberation. He aligned himself with Jaramogi Oginga Odinga — the first Vice President of Kenya, the man who had resigned from Kenyatta's government over ideological differences, the man who had refused to bend.

Alongside Orengo in these trenches were other Young Turks — Raila Odinga, Michael Kijana Wamalwa, Kiraitu Murungi, Paul Muite — and the older hands of Jaramogi, Masinde Muliro, and Martin Shikuku. Together they formed the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) — the vehicle that nearly ended KANU's grip on power in the 1992 elections. The two-finger salute that became the symbol of the struggle? Orengo helped popularise it.

He was arrested in November 1991 during a government crackdown on FORD supporters. That the arrests did not silence the movement — that FORD surged rather than withered — was in no small part because men like Orengo refused to stop.

He was elected Member of Parliament for Ugenya Constituency in 1992 on a FORD-Kenya ticket, and re-elected in 1997. He had first entered Parliament in 1980 as Kenya's youngest MP at the age of 29 — on a KANU ticket, yes, but even then he had used his parliamentary platform to challenge Moi's authoritarian consolidation with a boldness that forced his eventual exile.

The record speaks clearly: Orengo was in the opposition trenches from the beginning. Not when it was safe. Not when it was fashionable. From the beginning.

The Complicated Middle: A Brief Divergence, Then Reconciliation
Honesty demands acknowledging a more complicated chapter. After Jaramogi's death in 1994, Orengo and Raila found themselves on different sides of a succession struggle within FORD-Kenya. Orengo aligned with Michael Kijana Wamalwa against Raila's faction. The party fragmented. The two men went separate ways for nearly a decade, during which Orengo operated through the Social Democratic Party — even running for president himself in 2002, finishing fourth with 0.4% of the vote.

He never pretended that period was easy or glorious. Politics is rarely linear, and principled men sometimes find themselves on the wrong side of internal party battles. What matters is what happened next.

By 2005, Orengo had reconciled with Raila and joined the Orange Democratic Movement. He won back the Ugenya parliamentary seat in 2007 on an ODM ticket. And from that moment forward, he did not waver. He became one of the most reliable, most articulate, and most consistently present members of Raila's inner circle.

That is the story of a man who found his way back, owns it, and proved it in the years that followed. That is not a story of weakness. That is a story of a complex political human being who ultimately stood where he was supposed to stand.

Continues.................

EPISODE 4— The Marwa Promise —Health for the ForgottenDr. Ochieng' Owili is a man of health systems. Before he entered p...
27/04/2026

EPISODE 4
— The Marwa Promise —
Health for the Forgotten

Dr. Ochieng' Owili is a man of health systems. Before he entered politics, he ran Maxim Pharmaceuticals as CEO, building institutions from the inside out. When he became Deputy Governor, health equity became the signature of his tenure.

The Marwa Solidarity Health Scheme is, without exaggeration, one of the most consequential social programs in Kisumu's history. Designed as a universal health coverage model for indigent households — those who fall through every other safety net — the scheme covers at least 45,000 of the county's most vulnerable residents with real-time access to medical and health services.

It is a program that asks a simple question: what does it mean to leave no one behind? And then it answers it, ward by ward, household by household.
Kisumu also becomes the first county in Kenya to establish a Health Promotion Centre of Excellence — a comprehensive repository of health reference materials, digital platforms, and preventive health resources. Dr. Owili officiated its launch with the conviction of a man who understands that the most powerful health investment is made before illness arrives.

"Health is core to the county government agenda. We will work with all stakeholders to ensure the people of Kisumu receive quality health services." H.E. Dr. Matthews Ochieng' Owili.

The Governor, drawing on his own legacy as the Minister who transformed NHIF into a true national health insurance fund and reformed KEMSA's independence, ensures Kisumu's health agenda is national in ambition and local in ex*****on. Kisumu, under this partnership, does not wait for Nairobi. It builds its own.

Continues....,...........

THE SLUM PRESIDENTWhy Paul Owino Ongili — Babu — Should Take the Fight to the Highest Seat in the LandIn as much as many...
26/04/2026

THE SLUM PRESIDENT

Why Paul Owino Ongili — Babu — Should Take the Fight to the Highest Seat in the Land

In as much as many people continue to encourage Son of Ongili to go for the Nairobi Gubernatorial seat, on my part I would rather advise him to consider running for the Presidency instead. He is a Movement! Kenya's 2027 moment belongs to the generation that has never known a Kenya before the internet.

It belongs to the child who went to bed hungry and woke up with First Class Honours.

It belongs to Babu.
THE SLUM PRESIDENT - article series coming soon on my Social Media platforms. Don"t close that tab. Keep tapping it!

CHAPTER ONEThe Making of JABO: From Alliance to the Cells of KamitiJames Orengo was born in 1951 in Kasipul Kabondo, wha...
26/04/2026

CHAPTER ONE
The Making of JABO: From Alliance to the Cells of Kamiti

James Orengo was born in 1951 in Kasipul Kabondo, what is now Homa Bay County — the kind of lakeside Kenya that produces people who understand both the beauty and the harshness of life. His father, Apolo Stefano Olunga Orengo, was a senior police officer. His mother Josefina Atieno Olunga Orengo instilled in him, by all accounts, the values of education, integrity, and public service.

He attended Ambira Primary School and then the storied Alliance High School — Kenya's academic crown jewel, that mountaintop institution in Kikuyu that has produced a disproportionate share of the country's leaders, lawyers, and thinkers. From Alliance he proceeded to the University of Nairobi to study law, and it was there — in the corridors and lecture halls of UoN in the early 1970s — that the politician was truly born.

Orengo became University President in 1973. This was not the kind of student leadership that pads a CV. This was dangerous work. Kenya under Daniel arap Moi was becoming an increasingly closed space, and the University of Nairobi was one of the few remaining grounds where critical voices could be raised. Orengo raised his — loudly, consistently, and at personal cost.

He graduated with his LLB in 1974 and enrolled at the Kenya School of Law. He was called to the bar. But even before he had fully established his legal practice, his activism made him inconvenient to those in power, and the government ensured that he could not complete his pupilage in Nairobi. He was sent to Kericho — a deliberate administrative exile, the state's way of saying: we see you, we do not like you, and we will make your life difficult.

They had no idea how much he would make theirs difficult in return.
The Exile, the Prison, and the Price
In the early 1980s, as Moi tightened his grip on Kenya and transformed the country into a de facto one-party police state, Orengo did something that required extraordinary courage: he refused to be quiet. The consequence was exile. He fled to Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe — not as a tourist, but as a man running from a government that wanted him silenced.

He was not silenced. He organized from exile. He communicated. He planned. He remained part of the resistance.
When he was repatriated — in circumstances that belong to the stranger-than-fiction annals of Kenyan political history, exchanged alongside Kenya Air Force soldiers who had fled to Tanzania after the 1982 coup attempt, in a swap with Tanzanian soldiers who had escaped to Kenya — he was taken straight to prison.

Kamiti Maximum Prison. Naivasha Prison. The journey there, he recalled, was a journey to hell — cramped in a police lorry, beaten, forced to keep his head between his legs throughout the harrowing road from Namanga to Naivasha. He shared a cell at one point with Hezekiah Ochuka, the leader of the 1982 coup attempt.

This man — this man who was beaten, detained, exiled, and forced to complete his pupilage far from Nairobi because the government feared him — this is the man some would presume to lecture about ODM's future.

He came out of prison not broken but sharpened. Not afraid but more determined. That is the steel in James Orengo that decades of Kenyan politics have never managed to melt.

PRELUDE: THERE IS A STANDARDThere is a standard. Not of perfection — nobody in Kenyan politics is perfect — but of sacri...
26/04/2026

PRELUDE: THERE IS A STANDARD
There is a standard. Not of perfection — nobody in Kenyan politics is perfect — but of sacrifice, of endurance, of proven loyalty over time and at cost. A standard that says: before you open your mouth to judge a man's record, you had better have one. Before you sit in television studios and lecture a Senior Counsel who helped write the legal architecture of a democratic Kenya, you had better have done something comparable in your own life that entitles you to that judgment.
James Aggrey Bob Orengo — SC, Governor of Siaya County, former Senator, former Minister, former MP, former student leader, former political exile, former detainee, former presidential candidate, former Minority Leader of the Senate, lead counsel in two of the most consequential presidential election petitions in the history of Africa — is that standard.
He is not perfect. No one is. But he has earned every grey hair on his head on the streets, in the courts, in the prisons, and in the corridors of power. He walked with Baba Raila Amollo Odinga when walking with Baba was not fashionable, not safe, not profitable — when it was, in fact, the most dangerous thing a Kenyan politician could do.
This essay is about that walk. About what it cost. About what it built. And about why certain voices that have arisen in the discourse around ODM's future leadership would do well to understand the weight of the name they are trying to compete with.
It is also, frankly, about context. Kenya's political culture sometimes elevates noise over record, social media metrics over sacrifice, and current popularity over historical courage. This essay is a corrective. A reminder. A reckoning.

Coming soon on my social media platforms:  Emmanuel Juma, Zemma Media Services LTD Live and Zemma Media Services. Keep t...
26/04/2026

Coming soon on my social media platforms: Emmanuel Juma, Zemma Media Services LTD Live and Zemma Media Services. Keep the tabs alive

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