Avocat Tunisie

Avocat Tunisie Dr.Brahim LATRECH
Avocat au barreau de Tunis

02/05/2026

الفصل 21 من مجلة المحروقات التونسية: مرونة تعاقدية أم تنازل سيادي؟
المقدمة
يُعد الفصل 21 من مجلة المحروقات (القانون عدد 93 لسنة 1999، كما تم تنقيحه لاحقاً) أحد أبرز الأحكام إثارة للجدل في التشريع التونسي المتعلق بالموارد الطبيعية. ينص الفصل على:
«يمكن أن تسوى النزاعات الناجمة عن تطبيق أحكام الاتفاقية الخاصة بواسطة التحكيم وتحدد هذه الاتفاقية الخاصة طبيعة التحكيم ونوعيته وإجراءاته وكذلك شروط تنفيذ قرار التحكيم.»
يبدو هذا النص، للوهلة الأولى، حكماً فنياً يهدف إلى تسهيل الاستثمار. إلا أنه يمثل في جوهره تحولاً خطيراً في فلسفة تسوية المنازعات، إذ يفتح الباب على مصراعيه للتحكيم الدولي دون ضوابط أو قيود واضحة، مما يثير تساؤلات عميقة حول التوازن بين جذب الاستثمار وحماية السيادة الوطنية.
الثغرات الهيكلية للفصل 21
يتميز الفصل بثلاث عيوب أساسية:
الغموض والعمومية المطلقة — لا يحدد نوع التحكيم، ولا يفرض قانوناً واجب التطبيق، ولا يشترط مقعداً، ولا يستثني أي فئة من النزاعات.
التنازل المسبق عن الولاية القضائية الوطنية — يسمح باستبعاد القضاء التونسي في نزاعات تتعلق بموارد استراتيجية، مما يتعارض مع مبدأ سيادة الشعب على الموارد (الفصل 13 من الدستور).
غياب ضمانات المصلحة العامة — لا يحمي الحقوق البيئية، ولا حقوق المجتمعات المحلية، ولا يفرض الشفافية.
الأثر العملي: تكلفة باهظة على الدولة
أدى الفصل 21 إلى سلسلة من الدعاوى التحكيمية الدولية، أبرزها قضايا Zenith Energy (ICSID ARB/23/18 ونزاعات ICC) التي تجاوزت فيها المطالبات 570 مليون دولار، وقضايا Shell المتعلقة بتنازل امتيازات الغاز في خليج قابس. هذه النزاعات تكشف كيف تحولت خلافات إدارية أو تنظيمية إلى مطالبات تعويضية كبرى أمام هيئات تحكيم دولية غالباً ما تميل إلى حماية المستثمر.
مقارنة مع التجارب الدولية
الجزائر: اعتمدت في قانون المحروقات (2005 وتنقيحاته) على نموذج أكثر تشدداً، حيث تُفرض في كثير من الحالات التحكيم في الجزائر أو تطبيق القانون الجزائري كقانون أساسي، مع استثناءات واضحة للنزاعات السيادية.
مصر: بعد أزمة التحكيميات الكبرى (خاصة في قطاع الطاقة)، أدخلت تعديلات على قانون الاستثمار وقانون التحكيم تفرض قيوداً على التحكيم الدولي في العقود الاستراتيجية وتعزز الشفافية.
نيجيريا وأنغولا: تفرضان شروطاً صارمة تشمل "استقرار قانوني" مقيّد وآليات مراجعة دورية، مع الحرص على بقاء التحكيم تحت سيطرة جزئية وطنية.
تونس، مقارنة بهذه الدول، تظل من أكثر الدول ليبرالية في هذا المجال، وهو ما يفسر ارتفاع عدد الدعاوى المرفوعة ضدها.
النقد الفقهي والدستوري
يمثل الفصل 21 تنازلاً غير مبرر عن السيادة الاقتصادية. فهو يعكس منطق التسعينيات الذي كان يعتبر أن جذب الاستثمار يتطلب التنازل عن جزء من السيادة، وهو منطق تجاوزه الزمن بعد ثورة 2011 والدستور الجديد.
من الناحية الاقتصادية، يكلف الدولة مبالغ ضخمة في الدفاع والتعويضات المحتملة. ومن الناحية البيئية والاجتماعية، يغيب تماماً الاعتبار لحقوق الأجيال القادمة. أما قانونياً، فيتعارض مع المبادئ الحديثة للاستثمار المسؤول الذي يطالب بتوازن بين حقوق المستثمر والتزامات الدولة.
الخاتمة والتوصيات
إن الفصل 21 لم يعد مناسباً للواقع التونسي المعاصر. مرونته المطلقة تحولت إلى خطر يهدد السيادة الوطنية على الموارد الطبيعية.
توصيات عملية للتنقيح:
تحديد القانون التونسي كقانون واجب التطبيق الأساسي.
استثناء النزاعات السيادية والبيئية والضريبية من التحكيم الدولي.
فرض الشفافية الكاملة في الإجراءات التحكيمية المتعلقة بالموارد الطبيعية.
إلزامية آليات تسوية ودية وطنية أولاً.
إدراج شروط مراجعة دورية وإعادة تفاوض إلزامية.
المراجع:
مجلة المحروقات (قانون 93-1999 وتنقيحاته).
الدستور التونسي (2014، الفصل 13).
قضايا ICSID: Zenith Energy Africa Ltd. وغيرها ضد تونس (ARB/23/18).
دراسات مقارنة في قانون المحروقات (الجزائر، مصر، نيجيريا).
Global Arbitration Review و IAReporter (تقارير 2025-2026).

05/04/2026

By: Dr. Brahim LATRECH
Academic and Researcher Specializing in International Maritime Law
In my personal view as a researcher specialized in maritime affairs, the Law of the Sea can be defined as the body of legal rules and international customs that govern the seas and oceans, viewing them as a shared economic, political, and military space among states. It is not merely a set of technical provisions, but a legal framework that seeks to strike a delicate balance between the sovereignty of coastal states and the freedom of international navigation. This framework is primarily based on the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the well-established international customs that preceded it.
One of the most prominent practical embodiments of this legal regime is the Strait of Hormuz, a vital maritime chokepoint that connects the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea. The strait constitutes a critical artery for global trade, with approximately 20–25% of the world’s seaborne oil trade (around 20 million barrels per day) passing through it. However, it currently faces significant political and practical challenges that threaten its stability and reveal the tension between legal norms and geopolitical realities.
In practice, the Sultanate of Oman — which borders the strait to the south — has been compelled to relinquish, to some extent, certain of its sovereign rights in favor of Iran, which controls the northern shore. This unofficial concession, driven by political and military circumstances, has resulted in an imbalanced equilibrium in which Iran exercises greater influence over the monitoring and control of maritime traffic. Nevertheless, this de facto situation remains inconsistent with the established principles of international law. No coastal state bordering an international strait is permitted to impair or obstruct the right of transit passage (or innocent passage) for commercial vessels.
The Law of the Sea explicitly affirms, particularly in Articles 38 et seq. of UNCLOS, that straits used for international navigation — of which Hormuz is a prime example — are subject to the regime of transit passage. This right prohibits coastal states from hampering, impeding, or suspending such passage, whether for commercial or other purposes. Disrupting commercial maritime traffic is not a legitimate exercise of sovereignty; rather, it constitutes a clear violation of international law. It harms the interests of third states that have no involvement in regional disputes, effectively turning uninvolved countries into victims by preventing their vessels from transiting the strait. This exposes the global economy to unjustified risks, including disruptions to energy supplies and international supply chains.
In my opinion as an academic specialist, the current situation urgently calls for a formal legal intervention at the international level. The absence of a precise delimitation of the maritime boundaries between the Sultanate of Oman and Iran in the strait creates a legal vacuum that is being exploited for political purposes. Therefore, I believe it is necessary for the concerned states — or those states adversely affected by disruptions to navigation — to initiate proceedings before the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) to delimit the sovereignty and maritime boundaries of both states in the strait. As the specialized judicial body for the interpretation and application of UNCLOS, the Tribunal is well-positioned to issue a ruling that restores legal balance and safeguards the right of transit passage as a fundamental rule of customary international law.
Resorting to the Tribunal is not a political option but a legal and moral necessity. States uninvolved in regional conflicts should not be forced to bear their costs, whether through higher energy prices or interruptions in global trade. Respect for the Law of the Sea is not a luxury; it is an essential condition for international peace and stability.
In conclusion, the Strait of Hormuz remains a living example of the ongoing tension between national sovereignty and the freedom of international navigation. As a researcher in maritime law, I call for strengthened commitment to international legal rules and for the resolution of disputes through peaceful judicial mechanisms. Only in this way can the seas remain a shared space for all humanity, rather than a theater for political confrontations

05/04/2026

In my view, the Law of the Sea consists of the corpus of legal rules and international customs that regulate the seas and oceans, treating them as an economic, political, and military domain among states.
On the Strait of Hormuz
In my opinion, practical realities on the ground have prompted the Sultanate of Oman to relinquish, to a certain extent, some of its sovereign rights in favour of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
On the Disruption of Commercial Navigation
It is legally impermissible, under the applicable rules of international law, for any state bordering the strait to interfere with or violate the right of transit passage or the right of innocent passage of commercial vessels.
On the Current Situation
In my considered opinion, the present circumstances necessitate the initiation of proceedings before the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) with a view to delimiting the sovereignty and maritime boundaries of the two coastal states within the strait. It is manifestly unreasonable that third states with no involvement in the current conflict should be made its victims through the prevention of their vessels from exercising their lawful right of passage.
My Position as an Academic and Researcher Specialised in the Law of the Sea
The foregoing represents my professional stance as an academic and researcher specialising in maritime law.

Tunisian maritime lawyer (PhD) specializing in ship arrests, cargo claims, charterparties, marine insurance & shipping d...
19/03/2026

Tunisian maritime lawyer (PhD) specializing in ship arrests, cargo claims, charterparties, marine insurance & shipping disputes. Serving international clients in Tunisian ports. Fluent Arabic/French/English. Let's connect!

08/02/2026

Dr. Brahim LATRECH is a Tunisian attorney specializing in maritime and shipping law, with extensive experience in handling complex maritime disputes and commercial litigation. He advises shipowners, charterers, cargo interests, insurers, and maritime operators in both contentious and advisory matters.
His practice covers ship arrest and release procedures, cargo claims, charterparty disputes, maritime insurance matters, and port-related litigation before Tunisian courts. Dr. LATRECH is particularly known for his strategic handling of urgent maritime procedures, including precautionary arrests of vessels in Tunisian ports.
With a strong understanding of international maritime practice and local regulatory frameworks, he provides practical and results-oriented legal solutions tailored to the shipping industry.
Dr. LATRECH is based in Tunis and represents local and international clients in maritime, commercial, and cross-border matters.

Enforcing a Foreign Arbitration Award in Tunisia: A Practical Guide  Tunisia’s strategic location and pro-arbitration le...
23/06/2025

Enforcing a Foreign Arbitration Award in Tunisia: A Practical Guide

Tunisia’s strategic location and pro-arbitration legal framework make it a viable destination for enforcing foreign arbitration awards. Here’s a concise roadmap for navigating the process:

I. Legal Foundation
- New York Convention (1958): Tunisia acceded in 2017, allowing enforcement of awards from 170+ signatory states.
- Tunisian Arbitration Code (Law 2017-42):Governs international arbitration and aligns with UNCITRAL Model Law principles.
- Civil and Commercial Procedure Code: Details enforcement procedures.
II. Key Conditions for Enforcement
1. Valid Arbitration Agreement: Must be in writing (e.g., contract clause or separate agreement).
2. Final and Binding Award:** No pending challenges at the seat of arbitration.
3. Due Process:Parties must have been properly notified and heard.
4. Public Policy & Sovereignty: Award must not violate Tunisian public order or state sovereignty.

III. Step-by-Step Procedure
1. File an Exequatur Petition:
- Submit to the Court of Appeal
- Original/certified award translation (Arabic or French).
- Arbitration agreement copy + translation.
- Proof the award is final.
2. Court Review:
- The court examines formal compliance (not the award’s merits).
- A hearing is typically scheduled within 1–3 months.
3. Exequatur Order:
- If granted, the award becomes enforceable as a Tunisian judgment.
4. Enforcement:
- Use bailiffs to seize assets, bank accounts, or property per Tunisian ex*****on laws.
IV. Grounds for Refusal
Tunisian courts may reject enforcement if:
- The arbitration agreement was invalid.
- A party was unable to present its case.
- The award exceeds the arbitration scope.
- The award conflicts with Tunisian public policy (e.g., fraud, corruption).

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