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Biased interpretation.
By contrast, others suggest that even when information is attainable, people’s political and religious beliefs often clash with climate science facts, leading to a biased interpretation of climate facts in order to reconcile them with conflicting beliefs and thus reduce cognitive dissonance [19]. This phenomenon, known as motivated reasoning, has been shown to influence individual CCBs, mainly for political and religious motivations [3, 8, 20]. For instance, Hart and Nisbet [21] conducted an experiment where they presented Republican and Democratic voters in the United States with the same news story about possible climate change-related impacts on human health. Their study found that the impact of this information was interpreted differently along party lines: risk perception and support for green policies increased among Democrats, while the information produced a “boomerang effect” by reinforcing skeptical views among Republicans. Therefore, even when presented with the same information, this can be interpreted biasedly to avoid compromising political beliefs. Also, what people consider to be credible information vary depending on ideological proximity to the source, and other political variables, such as participation, trust in institutions and political perceptions also shape climate change beliefs [6, 22–24].
Religious beliefs are also important to CCBs formation, since they can make individuals interpret climate change facts in a way that avoids conflict with their beliefs. In Africa, some people attribute climate-related disasters such as droughts and floods to Allah (“Allah brings the rain. The one who causes the drought is Allah.”), Yahweh (“We gather in church and pray for rain. There is nothing we can do.”), or local deities (“whose anger can unleash flooding and destruction”) [16]. Therefore, individuals who believe in a deity are more likely to attribute climate change and its repercussions to that deity’s whim rather than to human activity [25]. Similarly, attending religious services has been linked to more incorrect CCBs [26]. However, these effects vary across religions [27, 28]. Thus, even when people have access to rigorous information and the ability to understand it, politically or religiously motivated reasoning can lead to incorrect beliefs.
Understanding climate change trough personal experiences.
A second psychological approach suggests that individuals perceive climate change as a distant phenomenon that is more likely to affect people living elsewhere and in the distant future [29]. This psychological distance from possible climate change risks often results in a lack of emotional responses to it [30, 31]. As a consequence, individuals try to make sense of the changing natural world around them using more available and emotionally salient cues, such as local climate shocks or extreme weather events and their consequences [29]. This so-called attribute substitution suggests that personal experiences often replace science-based evidence and climate change facts [3, 32]. Previous literature has found that individuals who experience extreme climate-related events such as hurricanes, floods, or temperature anomalies tend to perceive climate change as a greater risk [26, 33–38]. Even less extreme events, such as a hotter-than-usual day, can make people more aware of and concerned about climate change [39], and increase donations to environmental charities [40]. In other words, experiencing local climate shocks or extreme weather events can construct or reinforce climate change beliefs.
Climate change facts take a backseat.
A final argument postulates that individuals have more urgent daily concerns (e.g., “bread and butter” issues), which relegate climate science information and its possible consequences to the backburner [10, 11, 41–43]. In other words, CCBs are deemed less important than immediate day-to-day concerns. This does not suggest that people do not care about climate change and its consequences, but rather, they are seen as distant occurrences that can be dealt with when they disrupt or exacerbate more pressing matters [44].
Demographics.
Aside from the four previously discussed pathways that account for the climate change information and beliefs linkages, previous research also finds that gender, age, and race can play a role in shaping CCBs—yet a lack of consensus remains within the literature. When it comes to gender, some studies find that females are less aware of climate change than males but have higher risk perception [16, 18, 30, 45], while others find no statistical relationship between gender and climate change beliefs [8, 11, 46, 47]. Some studies have suggested that differences in the access to climate information could explain this difference [48]. Regarding age, many studies find that young people have more accurate climate change beliefs, however, this relationship is opposite in rural areas, where young rural dwellers are less aware of climate change [8]. Arguably, in rural areas agricultural experience gained with time provides knowledge about changes in the climate cycle [41, 49]. Finally, race only appears to have a consistent influence on climate change beliefs in North America, where non-white individuals show more concern and a higher risk perception than whites, a phenomenon known as “white-male effect” [7, 45, 50]. Nevertheless, this effect is not generally supported by cross-country evidence [8]. In conclusion, evidence about demographic effects on CCBs remains elusive, and these effects seem largely eclipsed by the aforementioned information approaches [8, 18].
The discussion above identifies multiple factors that shape individual climate change beliefs. However, little research has included African countries in their analysis [10, 11, 49]. Those that do often include a limited number of predictors, which in turn, limit the understanding of what predicts CCBs in the African continent. This study aims to fill these gaps within the literature